Safari Club

Overview

The Safari Club was a covert alliance of intelligence services formed in 1976 to conduct clandestine operations, primarily in Africa, during a period when the U.S. Congress had imposed significant restrictions on the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) following scandals like Watergate and revelations of CIA abuses by the Church and Rockefeller Commissions. Its formal members included pre-revolutionary Iran, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Morocco, and France, with the group maintaining informal connections with the United States, South Africa, Rhodesia, and Israel. Initiated by Alexandre de Marenches, head of France’s external intelligence agency (SDECE), the Safari Club aimed to counter Soviet influence and communism in Africa and the Middle East. The group’s charter, signed on September 1, 1976, emphasized fighting Soviet-backed revolutionary movements, particularly in Africa.

Operations

Military Intervention in Zaire (1977): The group supported Zaire’s anti-communist leader Mobutu against an invasion from Angola by airlifting Moroccan and Egyptian troops using French aircraft during the Shaba I conflict.

Arms Support in the Ogaden War (1977–1978): It provided arms to Somalia to counter Ethiopia, which was backed by the Soviet Union and Cuba.

Egypt–Israel Peace Process: The Safari Club facilitated secret diplomacy, including talks in Morocco between Egyptian and Israeli officials, contributing to the 1977 Sadat visit to Jerusalem, the 1978 Camp David Accords, and the 1979 Egypt–Israel Peace Treaty.

Financial Operations via BCCI: The group used the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI), founded by Agha Hasan Abedi, to launder money and finance its operations, with Saudi Arabia providing significant funding.

The Safari Club ceased formal operations after the 1978–1979 Iranian Revolution removed the Shah as an ally, but its networks continued to influence subsequent covert activities, including the Iran-Contra affair.

CIA Connections to the Safari Club

Formation as a Response to CIA Restrictions

Post-Watergate Constraints: Following the Watergate scandal and investigations by the Church and Rockefeller Commissions, Congress passed the War Powers Resolution (1973) and the Clark Amendment (1976), restricting CIA covert operations. President Jimmy Carter’s CIA Director, Stansfield Turner, further limited the agency’s scope. The Safari Club was formed to fill this gap, allowing anti-communist operations to continue outside U.S. oversight. Prince Turki Al-Faisal, former head of Saudi intelligence, stated in a 2002 Georgetown University speech that the Safari Club was established to compensate for the CIA’s inability to “send spies, write reports, or pay money” due to congressional restrictions.

U.S. Strategy of Proxy Operations: Henry Kissinger, as Secretary of State, is credited with implicitly supporting the Safari Club to achieve U.S. objectives by proxy, avoiding direct responsibility. This aligned with the U.S. need to counter Soviet influence without violating new legal constraints.

CIA’s Informal Involvement

Coordination with U.S. Intelligence: The Safari Club coordinated with American intelligence agencies, including the CIA, through an informal division of labor. Saudi Arabia provided funding, France supplied technology, and Egypt and Morocco contributed troops and weapons, often aligning with U.S. and Israeli intelligence goals.

Key CIA Figures: Former CIA Director Richard Helms, U.S. Ambassador to Iran (1973–1977), and CIA operative Theodore Shackley maintained connections with the Safari Club. Peter Dale Scott describes the group as part of a “second CIA,” an autonomous network of agents continuing covert operations outside official channels. Shackley, his deputy Thomas Clines, and agent Edwin P. Wilson (involved in the “Arms for Libya” deal) secretly worked with the Safari Club and BCCI, despite Turner’s reforms.

George H.W. Bush’s Role: As CIA Director in 1976, George H.W. Bush had a personal account at BCCI and supported its transformation into a global money-laundering network, with Saudi intelligence chief Kamal Adham, a Safari Club member, playing a key role. This network financed covert operations, including those aligned with U.S. interests. Bush’s tenure saw the CIA open accounts with BCCI, facilitating off-the-books operations.

BCCI as a Financial Conduit

BCCI’s Role in Safari Club Operations: The Safari Club used BCCI to launder money for its activities, with Saudi Arabia’s Kamal Adham and BCCI founder Agha Hasan Abedi overseeing the bank’s expansion into a “worldwide money-laundering machine.” A 2001 Time magazine report described BCCI as a “vast, stateless, multinational corporation” with its own intelligence and enforcement units, known as the “black network,” which supported the Safari Club’s objectives.

CIA’s Use of BCCI: The CIA used BCCI accounts to funnel money for covert operations, including support for the Afghan mujahideen through Operation Cyclone. This allowed the agency to bypass congressional oversight, with Adham and Abedi facilitating intelligence sharing and financing for groups like the mujahideen.

Specific Operations and CIA Links

Afghanistan and the Mujahideen: The Safari Club’s networks, particularly through BCCI, played a major role in supporting the Afghan mujahideen against the Soviet Union. While Ayman al-Zawahiri claimed Osama bin Laden refused CIA funds, the CIA, under George H.W. Bush and later William Casey, funneled money through BCCI to mujahideen recruitment offices in the U.S. and abroad. The Safari Club’s infrastructure, including Saudi funding and Adham’s connections, facilitated these efforts.

Iran-Contra Affair: Some Safari Club actors, including Adham and Saudi arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi, were later linked to the Iran-Contra affair, where BCCI facilitated funds for arms deals. CIA operative Theodore Shackley and others from the Safari Club network were involved, indicating continuity between the group’s activities and later CIA operations.

Shaba I and Ogaden War: The CIA benefited indirectly from the Safari Club’s actions in Zaire and Somalia, as these aligned with U.S. anti-communist goals. Shackley reportedly acted as a CIA liaison to the Safari Club, maintaining contact with Israeli intelligence after Turner restricted direct CIA support to Israel.

Controversies

Khashoggi’s CIA Ties: Saudi arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi, a BCCI associate and Safari Club financier, worked with CIA operative Edward K. Moss, who was involved in plots against Fidel Castro. Khashoggi’s purchase of the Mt. Kenya Safari Club, brokered by Moss, was linked to CIA interests, further tying the Safari Club to U.S. intelligence networks.

Discovery and Secrecy: The Safari Club’s existence was revealed by Egyptian journalist Mohamed Hassanein Heikal, who accessed documents confiscated during the Iranian Revolution. The group’s secrecy and the CIA’s reluctance to disclose its BCCI accounts during Senate investigations fueled speculation of a deeper, unaccountable intelligence network.

Conclusion

The Safari Club was a covert intelligence alliance formed in 1976 by Iran, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Morocco, and France to counter Soviet influence in Africa and the Middle East, operating when CIA activities were restricted by Congress. Its CIA connections were informal but significant, with the agency using the group as a proxy to achieve anti-communist goals through figures like Richard Helms, Theodore Shackley, and George H.W. Bush. BCCI, closely tied to the Safari Club via Kamal Adham and Agha Hasan Abedi, served as a financial conduit for CIA covert operations, including support for the Afghan mujahideen and the Iran-Contra affair. While the U.S. was not a formal member, the Safari Club’s alignment with CIA objectives, facilitated by shared networks and financing, made it a de facto extension of U.S. intelligence, often described as a “second CIA.”