Fatherland and Liberty Nationalist Front

Overview

The Fatherland and Liberty Nationalist Front (Spanish: Frente Nacionalista Patria y Libertad, PyL) was a Chilean authoritarian paramilitary and political group active from 1970 to 1973. Formed by lawyer Pablo Rodríguez Grez, with Roberto Thieme as secretary general, PyL aimed to oppose the democratically elected socialist government of Salvador Allende’s Popular Unity coalition. The group, rooted in anti-communist ideology, drew support primarily from upper- and middle-class students at the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile and engaged in violent street clashes, sabotage, and propaganda against leftist movements. PyL is notably remembered for its role in the failed Tanquetazo coup attempt in June 1973 and its collaboration with the Chilean military leading up to the successful 1973 coup that installed Augusto Pinochet’s dictatorship. The group was officially disbanded on September 12, 1973, the day after the coup, though some former members continued to collaborate with Pinochet’s regime, including the Chilean secret police (DINA).

Key Activities

• Formation and Ideology: Founded in 1970 shortly after Allende’s election, PyL promoted a nationalist, anti-communist, and anti-liberal agenda, drawing inspiration from fascist movements like Spain’s Falange. It sought to prevent socialism in Chile through a combination of street violence (using nunchucks and Molotov cocktails) and political agitation.

• Tanquetazo (June 1973): PyL attempted a coup against Allende, known as the Tanquetazo, which failed but heightened political instability.

• Sabotage Operations: In July 1973, PyL received orders from the Chilean Navy, which opposed the military’s constitutional adherence (Schneider Doctrine), to sabotage infrastructure such as bridges, oil pipelines, and energy towers, contributing to the destabilization of Allende’s government.

• CIA Funding: The CIA provided at least $7 million to destabilize Chilean society, including direct funding to PyL through the Agency’s Track II program during Allende’s first year in office. This support facilitated PyL’s violent and subversive activities.

• Post-Coup Involvement: Although PyL dissolved after the 1973 coup, former members, including those linked to DINA agent Michael Townley (e.g., Mariana Callejas, Francisco Oyarzún, Gustavo Etchepare, and Eugenio Berríos), received payments from the CNI (DINA’s successor) between 1978 and 1990, indicating continued ties to Pinochet’s regime.

Connection to Operation Gladio

Operation Gladio was a NATO- and CIA-coordinated clandestine “stay-behind” operation during the Cold War, designed to prepare secret paramilitary networks to resist a potential Soviet invasion of Western Europe and to counter leftist political movements. While Gladio is most associated with Europe (particularly Italy), its framework extended to Latin America through operations like Operation Condor, a coordinated campaign by right-wing South American dictatorships to suppress leftist opposition. The Fatherland and Liberty Nationalist Front’s activities in Chile align with Gladio’s broader anti-communist objectives, and its connections to Gladio are primarily through CIA support, Operation Condor, and shared personnel and tactics.

1 CIA and Opus Dei ◦ The CIA, a key architect of Gladio, funded PyL as part of its efforts to destabilize Allende’s government, channeling millions through the Chilean Institute for General Studies (IGS), an Opus Dei-affiliated think tank. This funding mirrored Gladio’s strategy of supporting far-right groups to counter leftist movements. ◦ Opus Dei, a Catholic organization, worked closely with CIA-funded groups like PyL, which later evolved into elements of DINA, the Chilean secret police. This collaboration reflects Gladio’s pattern of aligning with right-wing and religious entities to combat communism, as seen in Europe with groups like Italy’s Propaganda Due (P2) lodge. ◦ The CIA’s Track II program, which supported PyL, was part of a broader U.S. strategy to prevent socialist governance in Latin America, akin to Gladio’s efforts to suppress leftist influence in Europe.

2 Operation Condor as a Latin American Extension of Gladio: ◦ Operation Condor, officially launched in 1975 in Santiago, Chile, was a coordinated effort by dictatorships (Chile, Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay, Bolivia, and Brazil) to eliminate leftist activists and opponents. It was supported by the CIA and shared Gladio’s goal of eradicating “Marxist subversion” to protect Western economic interests, particularly neoliberal policies aligned with the U.S., World Bank, and IMF. ◦ PyL’s role in destabilizing Allende’s government laid the groundwork for Pinochet’s regime, which became a key Condor participant. The group’s sabotage and violence contributed to the “strategy of tension” seen in Gladio operations, creating fear and instability to justify military intervention. ◦ The involvement of former PyL members in DINA, which was central to Condor’s repressive activities (e.g., torture and disappearances), further ties PyL to Gladio’s broader framework of state-sponsored terror against leftists.

3 Shared Personnel and Networks: ◦ PyL’s collaboration with the Chilean military and DINA parallels Gladio’s use of far-right paramilitary groups and intelligence services in Europe. For example, Roberto Thieme, PyL’s secretary general, worked with the Chilean Navy and later revealed military plans to assassinate Socialist Party leader Carlos Altamirano, reflecting Gladio-style targeted operations. ◦ There are unconfirmed allegations linking Thieme to the 1986 assassination of Swedish Prime Minister Olof Palme, who supported leftist Chilean exiles, suggesting potential connections to Gladio’s international far-right networks. However, this claim, made by journalist Anders Leopold, lacks definitive evidence. ◦ PyL’s ties to other far-right groups, such as those at Colonia Dignidad, a German enclave in Chile used by DINA for torture training, further align with Gladio’s use of extremist enclaves (e.g., Italy’s Avanguardia Nazionale). Paul Schäfer, Colonia Dignidad’s founder, collaborated with Thieme and the Chilean military, reinforcing these networks.

4 Strategy of Tension: ◦ PyL’s sabotage campaigns, such as attacks on infrastructure, mirror Gladio’s “strategy of tension” in Europe, where false-flag operations and violence were used to discredit leftists and justify authoritarian measures. In Chile, PyL’s actions created an atmosphere of chaos, paving the way for the 1973 coup. ◦ The group’s CIA-backed violence against Allende’s supporters parallels Gladio’s support for neo-fascist groups like Italy’s Ordine Nuovo, which conducted bombings (e.g., Piazza Fontana) to blame communists.

5 Connection to Aginter Press and European Gladio Networks: ◦ While direct links between PyL and Portugal’s Aginter Press (a Gladio-affiliated front) are not explicitly documented, both operated within the same CIA-backed anti-communist framework. Aginter Press, based in Lisbon, trained far-right militants and was linked to Gladio operations in Europe and Latin America, including potential involvement in the 1969 assassination of FRELIMO leader Eduardo Mondlane in Mozambique. ◦ Stefano Delle Chiaie, an Italian neo-fascist and Gladio operative associated with Aginter Press and Propaganda Due P2 was active in Latin America during the 1970s, including Chile, where he collaborated with DINA. His presence suggests a potential overlap between PyL’s activities and Gladio’s international network, though specific evidence tying PyL directly to Delle Chiaie is limited.

Conclusion

The Fatherland and Liberty Nationalist Front was a CIA-supported paramilitary group that played a significant role in destabilizing Allende’s government, aligning with the anti-communist objectives of Operation Gladio. Its funding through the CIA’s Track II program, collaboration with the Chilean military, and contribution to Operation Condor reflect Gladio’s strategy of using extremist groups to suppress nationalist movements.