Editing Opus Dei

Opus Dei, Latin for “Work of God,” is a Roman Catholic institution founded in 1928 by Spanish priest Josemaría Escrivá, aimed at promoting holiness through everyday work and ordinary life. Recognized by the Catholic Church as a personal prelature in 1982, it has grown into a global organization with approximately 93,000 members, mostly laypeople, and significant influence through educational, social, and political networks. Its history is marked by rapid expansion, conservative theology, and controversies over secrecy, political involvement, and alleged ties to intelligence agencies, including the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Below is a summary of Opus Dei’s history and its purported CIA connections, with references to figures like Thomas G. Clines, Theodore Shackley, Edwin P. Wilson, Nugan Hand Bank, Michael Jon Hand, Augusto Pinochet, Mohammad Mossadegh, Milton Friedman, Operation Pine Gap, and JM/WAVE, as relevant to your previous queries.
==History of Opus Dei==
	1	Founding and Early Years (1928–1950):
	◦	Josemaría Escrivá founded Opus Dei on October 2, 1928, in Madrid, inspired by a vision to encourage lay Catholics and priests to seek sanctity through professional and secular life. The organization emphasized a “universal call to holiness,” rejecting monasticism and promoting work as a path to spiritual growth.
	◦	In 1930, Escrivá established a women’s branch, and in 1943, he formed the Priestly Society of the Holy Cross for priests. During the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), Escrivá fled to France but maintained ties with Spain’s conservative factions, including supporters of Francisco Franco, though he claimed political neutrality.
	◦	The Vatican approved Opus Dei as a secular institute in 1950 under Pope Pius XII, granting it autonomy to operate globally while remaining under Church oversight.

	2	Global Expansion and Personal Prelature (1950–1982):
	◦	Opus Dei expanded to Europe, the Americas, Asia, Africa, and Oceania, establishing schools, universities (e.g., University of Navarra, Spain; Austral University, Argentina), and social initiatives. By 2005, it supported 608 institutions, with assets worth at least $2.8 billion.
	◦	Its structure includes supernumeraries (married laypeople, ~70%), numeraries (celibate members, ~20%), and priests (~2,000), with a focus on professional excellence and evangelization.
	◦	In 1982, Pope John Paul II designated Opus Dei as the Catholic Church’s first personal prelature, a unique status allowing it to operate independently of geographic dioceses, reporting directly to the Pope. This move, coupled with Escrivá’s beatification (1992) and canonization (2002), solidified Opus Dei’s influence.
	◦	The organization faced criticism for its secretive practices, aggressive recruitment of youth, and conservative stances on issues like abortion and marriage, drawing comparisons to “clerical Freemasonry” by critics like Jesuit leader Wlodimir Ledóchowski.

	3	Modern Era (1982–Present):
	◦	Under prelates Álvaro del Portillo (1982–1994), Javier Echevarría (1994–2016), and Fernando Ocáriz (2017–present), Opus Dei continued to grow, with ~93,510 members by 2021, including 650 in Australia.
	◦	It faced controversies, including allegations of human trafficking and labor exploitation in Argentina (1983–2015), involving 44 women recruited for domestic work under exploitative conditions, and sexual abuse cases in Spain, Mexico, Uruguay, Chile, and the U.S., with canonical sanctions applied but limited civil accountability.
	◦	Pope Francis introduced reforms in 2022, requiring annual Vatican reports and barring the prelate from becoming a bishop, signaling efforts to curb Opus Dei’s autonomy, which some members accepted as “filial obedience.”
==Alleged CIA Connections==
Opus Dei’s alleged ties to the CIA stem from its conservative ideology, political influence in anti-communist regimes, and the presence of members in sensitive U.S. government roles, though evidence is often circumstantial and debated. These connections are explored below, with links to your queried figures and operations.

	1	Cold War Anti-Communism and Political Influence:
	◦	Context: During the Cold War, the CIA collaborated with conservative Catholic organizations to counter communism, including the Vatican’s Pro Deo service, established in 1944 with U.S. funding. Vernon Walters, former CIA Deputy Director, visited Pope John Paul II seven times (1981–1988), signaling close Vatican-U.S. ties.
	◦	Opus Dei’s Role: Opus Dei’s anti-communist stance aligned with U.S. interests, particularly in Latin America and Europe. In Chile, Opus Dei members supported Augusto Pinochet’s 1973 CIA-backed coup against Salvador Allende, working with CIA-funded groups like Fatherland and Liberty, which merged into Chile’s secret police (DINA).

	▪	Connection to Pinochet: While Opus Dei as an organization denied political involvement, its members in Chile’s Catholic hierarchy endorsed Pinochet’s regime, which implemented Milton Friedman’s neoliberal policies via the Chicago Boys, complementing CIA objectives.

	▪	CIA Figures: Thomas G. Clines and Theodore Shackley, who orchestrated anti-Allende operations, were part of the CIA’s Latin American network, potentially overlapping with Opus Dei’s influence, though no direct link to the organization exists.
	◦	Poland and Solidarity: In 1982, John Paul II and President Ronald Reagan agreed to support Poland’s Solidarity movement against Soviet influence, with Opus Dei as a major financial donor, channeling funds from Catholic, German, and Jewish organizations. This operation, detailed in His Holiness by Carl Bernstein and Marco Politi, exemplifies Vatican-CIA collaboration, with Opus Dei as a conduit.

	2	Alleged Espionage and Intelligence Operations:
	◦	Vatican Surveillance: A 1980s surveillance center in Bogotá, Colombia, reportedly connected to the Vatican, registered data on Latin American clergy, allegedly aiding “death squads” in assassinations like those of Ignacio Ellacuría and Oscar Romero in El Salvador. Opus Dei’s involvement is claimed but unproven, with critics citing its conservative networks as facilitating intelligence-sharing with the CIA.

	◦	Operation Pez Volador: During John Paul II’s reign, Opus Dei allegedly facilitated the sale of Exocet missiles to Argentina’s dictatorship during the Falklands War, a covert operation with potential CIA awareness, though evidence is speculative.
	◦	Historical Precedents: The Vatican’s Holy Alliance (1566) and post-WWII arrests of Catholic officials for espionage in Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria suggest a long history of Vatican intelligence activities, with Opus Dei as a modern extension in some narratives.

	3	U.S. Government and Opus Dei Members:
	◦	Robert Hanssen: FBI agent Robert Hanssen, a supernumerary Opus Dei member, was convicted in 2001 of spying for the Soviet Union and Russia, selling 6,000 classified documents for $1.4 million. His actions, described as the “worst intelligence disaster in U.S. history,” damaged Opus Dei’s reputation, though the organization distanced itself, noting he left after his arrest. Hanssen’s case raised questions about Opus Dei’s influence in U.S. security circles, with FBI Director Louis Freeh, also rumored to be a member, facing scrutiny.

	◦	Catholic Information Center (CIC): In Washington, D.C., the CIC, run by Opus Dei, became a hub for conservative Catholics under C. John McCloskey, who converted figures like Newt Gingrich and Sam Brownback. Leonard Leo, a non-member but Opus Dei supporter, used the CIC to advance the Federalist Society’s judicial appointments, including three Trump-era Supreme Court justices, aligning with Opus Dei’s anti-abortion stance.
	◦	Speculation: Critics, like Gareth Gore in Opus: The Cult of Dark Money (2024), allege Opus Dei’s U.S. network, including figures like Kevin Roberts of the Heritage Foundation, influences policy through dark money and conservative activism, potentially with CIA acquiescence due to shared anti-communist goals, though no direct CIA link is proven.

	4	Connections to Queried Figures and Operations:
	◦	Nugan Hand Bank and Michael Jon Hand: No direct evidence ties Opus Dei to Nugan Hand Bank or Michael Jon Hand, but the bank’s CIA connections (via Edwin P. Wilson’s 1974 arms deal and William Colby) and Hand’s alleged role in destabilizing Australia’s Gough Whitlam government, which scrutinized Operation Pine Gap, parallel Opus Dei’s rumored intelligence ties. Both entities operated in anti-communist networks, with Wilson’s EATSCO (linked to Clines and Shackley) supporting regimes like Pinochet’s, where Opus Dei was active.
==Critical Analysis==
	•	Evidence Gaps: Allegations of Opus Dei-CIA connections often rely on circumstantial evidence, such as members’ political roles, Vatican-U.S. collaborations, and anti-communist alignments. Primary sources, like declassified CIA documents, rarely mention Opus Dei explicitly, and claims of espionage (e.g., Bogotá surveillance) lack corroboration.
	•	Opus Dei’s Defense: The organization denies espionage or political agendas, emphasizing its spiritual mission. Supporters, like journalist John Allen, argue that accusations stem from jealousy or misinterpretations of its conservative influence, noting members’ autonomy in political roles (e.g., Franco’s ministers were chosen for talent, not Opus Dei membership).
	•	Counterarguments: Critics, including former numeraries like Maria del Carmen Tapia and Vladimir Felzmann, cite Opus Dei’s secretive practices, control over members, and ties to authoritarian regimes as evidence of covert influence. Felzmann’s claim that Escrivá praised Hitler’s anti-communism, though disputed, fuels suspicions of far-right sympathies.

Conclusion
Opus Dei’s history reflects its evolution from a Spanish Catholic movement to a global institution with significant educational and political influence, shaped by its conservative theology and personal prelature status. Alleged CIA connections, while compelling, are largely speculative, rooted in shared anti-communist goals during the Cold War, notably in Chile under Pinochet and Poland’s Solidarity movement. Figures like Clines, Shackley, and Wilson, and operations like Nugan Hand Bank, JM/WAVE, and Pine Gap, operated in parallel anti-communist networks, but direct ties to Opus Dei are unproven. High-profile cases, like Robert Hanssen, and Opus Dei’s U.S. influence via Leonard Leo and the CIC, amplify suspicions, yet the organization’s official stance and lack of declassified evidence suggest these connections may be overstated. The interplay of Opus Dei’s secrecy and CIA’s covert history continues to fuel debate, as seen in works like Gareth Gore’s Opus and Mother Jones reports.
If you’d like further details on specific events, figures, or sources, please let me know!