Editing Conference of American Armies (CAA)

The Conference of American Armies (CAA), or Conferencia de los Ejércitos Americanos (CEA) in Spanish, is a multinational military forum established in 1960 to foster cooperation, dialogue, and interoperability among the armies of the Western Hemisphere. Comprising 20 member armies, five observer armies, and two international military organizations, the CAA aims to enhance hemispheric security, promote democratic values, and strengthen inter-American military relationships. It operates under the oversight of the Permanent Executive Secretariat of the Conference of American Armies (PESCAA), with hosting responsibilities rotating among member nations. 

History of the Conference of American Armies

Founding (1960): The CAA was established during the Cold War to counter perceived communist threats in Latin America, particularly following the Cuban Revolution (1959). Initiated by the U.S. Army, with U.S. Army South as the program manager, the first conference was held in 1960 at Fort Amador, Panama Canal Zone, hosted by the U.S. The CAA emerged from earlier U.S.-led military coordination efforts, such as the Inter-American Defense Board (1942), and was influenced by the 1951 Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (Rio Treaty), which formalized hemispheric defense against external threats.

Evolution: Over six decades, the CAA has grown from a U.S.-centric forum to a collaborative platform, hosting 36 cycles by 2025. It has addressed evolving challenges, from counterinsurgency in the 1960s–1980s to counterterrorism, drug trafficking, and disaster response in the 21st century. Key milestones include:

1980s: Focus on counterinsurgency amid Central American conflicts (e.g., El Salvador, Nicaragua).

1990s: Shift toward peacekeeping and humanitarian missions post-Cold War.

2010s–2020s: Emphasis on countering transnational threats like drug cartels and cyber threats, as seen in the 2019 San Antonio conference on “military support to civilian authorities to counter threat networks.”

Recent Cycles: The 31st cycle (2014–2015) was hosted by Colombia, the 32nd (2016–2017) by the U.S., and the 33rd (2018–2019) by the Dominican Republic. The 36th cycle (2024–2025) is led by Mexico, with an inauguration ceremony in 2024 focusing on regional security analysis.

Purpose and Objectives

The CAA’s stated purpose is to promote cohesion, improve hemispheric security, and strengthen inter-American military friendships on an army-to-army basis. Specific objectives include:

Hemispheric Security: Enhance collective defense against threats to peace, democracy, and freedom, initially communism, later terrorism, narco-trafficking, and cyberattacks.

Interoperability: Develop common doctrines, terminology, and training to improve joint operations, as seen in the 2019 effort to create a multilingual CAA guide for countering threat networks (English, Spanish, Portuguese).

Cooperation and Dialogue: Provide a forum for army chiefs to discuss mutual interests, share lessons learned, and build personal relationships, fostering trust and collaboration.

Humanitarian and Civic Support: Support local governments through humanitarian aid, such as constructing medical clinics, schools, and water wells, and disaster response, aligning with U.S. goals of promoting stable, democratic partners.

Advancing Shared Values: Encourage economic partnerships and democratic governance, reflecting U.S. objectives of countering adversarial influences (e.g., China, Russia) in the region.

The CAA operates on a two-year cycle, culminating in a commanders’ conference where army chiefs approve outcomes from specialized conferences and exercises hosted by member nations. These cycles address topics like peacekeeping, counterterrorism, and climate resilience, adapting to regional needs.

Structure and Membership

Membership: The CAA includes 20 member armies from the Caribbean, Central, North, and South America, five observer armies, and two international organizations (likely the Inter-American Defense Board and Organization of American States). Members include:
Core Members: United States, Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Canada, Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Bolivia, Uruguay, Ecuador, Venezuela.

Observers: Likely include nations like Belize, Jamaica, or European allies (e.g., Spain, France), though specific observers vary by cycle.

Permanent Executive Secretariat (PESCAA): Based in the host nation, PESCAA coordinates activities, with the U.S. hosting it in 2016–2017, a rare role since 1990–1991.

U.S. Role: U.S. Army South, headquartered at Joint Base San Antonio-Fort Sam Houston, Texas, serves as the CAA’s program manager and liaison, ensuring U.S. leadership while promoting multilateral dialogue.

Activities and Impact

Conferences and Exercises: The CAA hosts specialized conferences (e.g., 2014 Fort Benning conference on 21st-century defense challenges, 2019 San Antonio conference on countering threat networks) and joint exercises to enhance interoperability. These events produce guides and doctrines, such as the 2019 counter-threat network manual.

Humanitarian Efforts: U.S. Army South, through the CAA, supports regional projects like building schools and clinics, enhancing local governance and countering anti-U.S. sentiment.

Peacekeeping Contributions: The CAA has bolstered regional peacekeeping, with member nations contributing to UN missions, reflecting its focus on collective security.

Inter-American Friendships: By fostering personal ties among army chiefs, the CAA builds trust, as seen in bilateral engagements during commanders’ conferences.

The CAA’s impact includes improved regional military coordination, shared counterterrorism strategies, and strengthened U.S. influence in Latin America, though its effectiveness depends on member nations’ political alignment and resources.

Connections to Operation Condor

Operation Condor (1975–1983) was a U.S.-backed campaign of state terror by South American military dictatorships (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay, Uruguay, later Ecuador, Peru) to eliminate leftist dissidents through intelligence sharing, abductions, torture, and assassinations. It resulted in 60,000–80,000 deaths and 400,000 political prisoners. The CAA, established earlier, was not a direct Condor mechanism, but its role in fostering military cooperation raises questions about potential overlaps.

CAA’s Connection to Condor

The CAA’s connection to Operation Condor is its facilitation of military-to-military ties and alignment with U.S. anti-communist objectives:

Shared Anti-Communist Ideology: The CAA, founded to counter communism, promoted doctrines like Brazil’s National Security Doctrine, which justified repression of “subversives.” This aligned with Condor’s goal of targeting leftists, as seen in Brazil’s participation in Condor’s intelligence network (Condortel) and abductions (e.g., Norberto Habegger, 1978).

Military Networking: The CAA provided a platform for army chiefs from Condor nations (Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Bolivia, Paraguay, Uruguay) to build relationships and share strategies. Conferences in the 1960s–1970s, attended by officers like Chile’s Augusto Pinochet or Brazil’s Ernesto Geisel, likely facilitated informal discussions on counterinsurgency, though no declassified records confirm Condor planning at CAA events.

U.S.-Led Training: The CAA’s reliance on U.S. Army South and training at the School of the Americas (SOA), where Condor operatives like Chile’s Manuel Contreras studied, created a shared tactical framework. SOA’s counterinsurgency manuals, emphasizing torture and psychological warfare, were disseminated to CAA member armies, influencing Condor’s methods. Historian J. Patrice McSherry notes the CAA’s role in fostering “inter-service and regional cooperation,” which underpinned Condor’s multinational structure.

Condor’s Precursor Meetings: A 1974 Buenos Aires meeting of security officials from Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay, and Bolivia, noted in a June 1976 CIA cable, laid Condor’s groundwork, with Brazil joining by 1976. While the CAA was not mentioned, its prior conferences (e.g., 1960s Panama meetings) built trust among these armies, enabling Condor’s coordination.

Connections to the CIA

CIA’s Role in Latin America
The CIA supported anti-communist regimes in Latin America during the Cold War, including Brazil’s 1964 coup (Operation Brother Sam) and Operation Condor’s technical infrastructure (e.g., Condortel, Crypto AG). It provided intelligence, training, and funding to suppress leftist movements, often through the SOA and military-to-military channels.

CAA’s Connection to the CIA

The CAA’s ties to the CIA stem from U.S. Army South’s leadership and the broader U.S. military-intelligence complex:

U.S. Army South as CIA Conduit: U.S. Army South, the CAA’s program manager, operated within the U.S. Southern Command (SOUTHCOM), which coordinated with the CIA on regional security. A 1970s CIA National Intelligence Survey on Brazil highlights U.S. interest in military elites, many trained at CAA events. The CAA’s conferences provided a platform for CIA-aligned strategies, though no records confirm direct CIA involvement in CAA planning.

SOA and CIA Training: The SOA, a key training hub for CAA member armies, was CIA-funded and taught counterinsurgency tactics used in Condor. A 1968 CIA report on Latin American militaries, cited by McSherry, notes the SOA’s role in disseminating U.S. doctrines, which CAA conferences reinforced through joint exercises.

Crypto AG and Intelligence Sharing: The CIA and West Germany’s BND owned Crypto AG, supplying rigged encryption machines to Condor nations, including Brazil, as revealed in a 2020 Washington Post report. While the CAA facilitated intelligence-sharing discussions, no evidence links it directly to Crypto AG’s deployment, though its members likely used these machines.

1964 Brazilian Coup Context: The CIA’s support for Brazil’s coup involved military officers trained at the CAA and SOA, such as Humberto de Alencar Castelo Branco. The CAA’s anti-communist rhetoric, echoed in its early conferences, aligned with CIA objectives, but no declassified documents show CIA operatives directing CAA activities.